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‘Take back control’ is an easy slogan to create but fiendishly hard to implement – and Sunak knows it | Beth Rigby | Politics News

Back in 2016, in the run-up to the EU referendum and as Leave campaigners promised to “take back control” of our borders, chief Brexit cheerleader Nigel Farage promised the British people that leaving the European Union would allow the UK to cut net migration to below 50,000.

He wasn’t the only one to promise to drive migration down. David Cameron and Theresa May promised to cut net migration to the “tens-of-thousands” while Boris Johnson promised in 2019 to reduce the net migration from the-then 226,000 a year.

Instead, seven years after the UK voted to leave the European Union, net migration has hit a record high of 606,000 in the year to December 2022, while illegal migration has quadrupled from just over 13,000 in 2018 to more than 52,000 last year.

Politics live: Record net migration Q&A

Out of control might be a better three-word slogan for the current state of affairs that puts huge pressure on the Conservative government that now owns this mess.

Because it’s easy to make the promise but fiendishly hard to keep it.

As migration numbers published today show, it’s difficult for a government in desperate need of economic growth to choke off the supply of Labour without hurting the economy, with work visas accounting for a quarter of all visas granted in net migration figures.

Opposition figures have easy answers: Mr Farage told me he was “hand on heart” not being dishonest about the promises he made in the 2016 Brexit referendum, including cutting net migration to under 50,000, as he told me the Tory government should accept worker shortages to cut immigration, knowing he’d never have to implement a policy of economic self-harm as the government looks to stave off recession and bring down inflation.

Yvette Cooper, the shadow home secretary, told me she would re-train British workers to fill jobs currently being done by foreign workers as she spoke of “unusually high levels” of legal migration and linked it to the “chaos” in the Home Office, lambasting the Tories for the “continual massive gap between the rhetoric and reality”.

But, again, when I asked her to commit to reducing work visas to below 300,000 over the course of a five-year Labour government, should Sir Keir Starmer win the next general election, Ms Cooper declined.

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‘I was never dishonest on Brexit’

You only have to look what her predecessor and Labour party chair Annelise Dodds said on the matter to understand why: “Potentially, in some areas, where there’s a short-term need for skills, you could see in the short-term, actually, people who are coming in, increasing in number.”

What is clear is that the Conservatives – the party of Brexit and of successive promises to drive down net migration – is under huge pressure to tackle this issue, from within its own ranks and from many of its voters who feel let down.

And that pressure falls on the shoulders of Rishi Sunak, who was clearly uncomfortable with repeated questions about migration numbers at the G7 in Hiroshima last week.

So he should be. A politician who tells aides he’ll only promise what he can deliver, and deliver what he promises, he won’t recommit to the 2019 manifesto pledge to drive net migration below 226,000.

Instead he told me in our interview in Japan, he’d reduce migration below the “figures he had inherited” – so around the 500,000 mark, although he refused repeatedly to actually utter that figure in our interview.

Beth Rigby and Nigel Farage
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Beth Rigby and Nigel Farage

At face value, he may well be able to drive down the 606,000 to that level ahead of the next general election, given that 114,000 of those migrants in 2022 were Ukraine refugees, with a further 68,000 visas granted to dependants of those in the UK to study – an area where the government announced it was going to clamp down this week.

But is driving legal migration below half a million – still double your manifesto commitment of 2019 – really something to crow about? Mr Sunak clearly knows it’s not and has instead made stopping illegal small boat crossings his priority.

That too comes with huge risk, and the data out on Thursday shows it.

Asylum claims are up 25,000 to 75,000 on last year – the highest in two decades. The backlog of claims is 172,000 and when it comes to small boat crossings, only 504 of the over 40,000 claims have received a decision.

Read More:
Anger and frustration’ from Tory MPs after calendar year migration record broken

Housing tens of thousands of asylum seekers while they await decisions; co-operating with France and EU neighbours to help police the coastline and break up the smuggling gangs and stop boat crossings; having somewhere to send failed asylum seekers when Brexit means you no longer have return agreements with EU countries; setting up a Rwanda scheme which has yet to be in operation and plagued by legal difficulties.

Those close to the prime minister will tell you privately of the conundrum.

These boat crossings are a political problem that must be tackled, but success is so dependent on external factors that the government can’t control.

One senior figure told me that at the very least the prime minister must go into the next election at least having a narrative about how he tried to tackle small boats, even if part of that story ends up being that he was thwarted by Brussels, Paris, the EU courts, or lefty lawyers.

Stop the boats; take back control; tens of thousands – such easy slogans to create, fiendishly hard policies to actually implement as the current prime minister all too well knows. That’s why he won’t own his predecessors’ promises – and he might well come to regret his own.

Rishi Sunak survives his first 100 days, but can he thrive? | Beth Rigby | Politics News

The first 100 days of Rishi Sunak’s premiership are done – a yardstick that his predecessor Liz Truss never even reached, while Boris Johnson found himself utterly consumed with firefighting a pandemic.

Mr Sunak can take some comfort in the fact he’s made it this far without a full-blown leadership crisis or an external global event that has blown his plan for government wildly off course.

But it would be hard too for the prime minister, in good faith, to say his first 100 days have been a success.

Politics live: What the polls tell us about Sunak’s performance

These early months in office take on a symbolic significance for political leaders because they act as a benchmark for early successes (or failures).

It is also often a honeymoon period in which a leader enjoys high approval ratings, typically having won an election.

But for Mr Sunak it has been neither of those. There is little warm glow around his leadership, while his approval ratings have gone the wrong way in his first 100 days.

You can see why, writing in The Sun newspaper to mark his 100-day anniversary, the prime minister asked voters not to judge him on his first days in office, but on how he does in the remaining days until a general election (I reckon that puts him on another 500 or 600 days in office, given current Westminster thinking that he’ll call an election in the autumn of 2024).

Because – and even his allies would concede – it has been a bumpy start for the PM and is likely, says one senior minister, to be bumpy for some months yet.

‘Narrow path’ to victory

On the positives, Mr Sunak’s allies argue that he has managed to stabilise the economy and slow the rise in interest rates, helping slow the increase in mortgages and government debt repayments.

“What we have managed to do is stabilise the economy and get that back on track,” said one ministerial ally. “Now we have to have laser focus on delivering on those five priorities.”

Halving inflation, reducing government debt, growing the economy, cutting waiting lists and stopping small boats – this is the Sunak pledge card going into 2024.

And if he can land it all, his supporters see a “very narrow path” to victory in the next general election.

But look at the first 100 days and the scales are very much weighted to things going wrong, rather than things going right.

Prime Minister Rishi Sunak departs 10 Downing Street, London, to attend Prime Minister's Questions at the Houses of Parliament. Picture date: Wednesday February 1, 2023.

This is a prime minister who hasn’t been able to resolve the worst strikes in Britain since the 1980s. Kids off schools, nurses and ambulance crews on picket lines, trains that aren’t running, the military deployed to police our borders.

Then there is the very real crisis in the NHS, with record ambulance delays and A&E wait times testing the patience of an increasingly weary public.

All of it is ammunition for the opposition to scream that Britain is broken and it’s time for a change of government.

There are then the scandals around his cabinet that have seen Mr Sunak forced to defend no fewer than four of his ministers in the 11 prime minister’s questions he’s fronted so far.

There’s Suella Braverman, who broke the ministerial code and resigned from the Truss administration only to be reinstated a few days later by the new PM (amid rumours he did a deal with the right of the party to reinstall her in return for leadership votes); Gavin Williamson, who resigned from cabinet over bullying allegations; Nadhim Zahawi, sacked for his conduct related to a tax dispute while he was a cabinet minister; and he is now taking heat for his deputy Dominic Raab, who is the subject of eight separate bullying complaints.

It is not just deeply uncomfortable for the prime minister but threatening too, with Mr Sunak contaminated by the stain of Tory sleaze.

‘Not looking good’

“It’s very dangerous,” one senior minister and ally remarked to me the other day of the Zahawi and Raab affairs.

“It could be it’s gone too far,” they added into musings that the reputational damage was too deep to be undone.

The view settling in Westminster is that Mr Raab’s position is precarious.

“If you’ve got three permanent secretaries [top civil servants] all giving evidence, you have to say it is not looking good for Mr Raab.”

And it is not good for Mr Sunak either.

First, Mr Raab is in his inner circle and is a key political ally on which he relies, so cutting the tie will be difficult and painful for the prime minister’s inner operation.

Second, as I reported this week, the scandal over Mr Raab is getting ever closer to the PM, with claims that Mr Sunak was told about concerns over “unacceptable behaviour” before he put him into cabinet.

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Oliver Dowden has told Sky’s Sophy Ridge that the prime minister ‘wasn’t aware of any formal complaints’ against Dominic Raab before appointing him to cabinet

There are some who would prefer Mr Raab to fall on his sword rather than prolong the pain for his boss.

But all the signs are that it will be Mr Sunak who will have to make this call once the independent investigation by Adam Tolley KC concludes.

And the frustrations are feeding through to the polls.

At the end of November 2022, 41% of the public thought Mr Sunak was doing badly, versus 31% who thought he was performing well.

Two months later, towards the end of January, 56% thought the prime minister was doing a bad job, against 26% who thought he was doing a good job – according to YouGov.

Election looms

So, this a prime minister still in the job, but the polls are going the wrong way, which means the pressure is only going to build.

Any government will hope that that gap narrows as the election draws closer, and the PM’s team is relying on falling inflation and economic recovery to help shift sentiment.

What Tory MPs need, says one Treasury figure, is something positive to sell on the doorsteps and, at the moment, Mr Sunak isn’t giving them any of that.

What many MPs want are tax cuts sooner rather than later, but that’s not what they’re likely to get in the March budget.

For this PM, picking up the pieces of the Truss government’s economic debacle meant the first 100 days of his premiership was always going to be tough.

And Mr Sunak is certainly playing this as long as he can – one Treasury source told me an autumn 2024 election is most likely because “people will not feel any better off” by the spring of that year.

At least he can take comfort that he’s survived, but the big unknown – and for many, the real doubt – is whether he can thrive.

Be in no doubt, the prime minister is in deep trouble | Beth Rigby | Politics News

Be in absolutely no doubt, the prime minister is in deep trouble.

She has sacked her chancellor, committed a second major U-turn on her mini-budget, and junked the core of her economic policy.

And she did so, awkwardly and uncomfortably, in no more than eight minutes.

Government descends into chaos as PM faces battle to survive – follow live updates

In an excruciating news conference – so short the gathered political press pack were left open-mouthed as she departed – Liz Truss made her already perilous political position even worse.

The aim of this breakneck change in direction was to attempt to calm markets and her Conservative colleagues, but instead, she left huge questions unanswered.

It’s worth underlining the significance of what the prime minister just announced.

First, on policy, she has buckled and reversed her position on corporation tax. She will now go ahead with the increase proposed by her leadership rival, Rishi Sunak.

During the contest to replace Boris Johnson as Tory leader, Ms Truss had said increasing the rate from 19% to 25% next April would “put off people who want to invest in Britain” and amount to “cutting off our nose to spite our face”.

It was a significant part of the platform on which she was elected Tory leader, now humiliatingly discarded in order to bring in around £18bn to fill the black hole left by last month’s mini-budget.

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‘You’re out of your depth, prime minister?’

Read more:
Ministers say PM ‘cannot survive’ – so how could Liz Truss be removed?

She said it was a “down payment” on the medium-term fiscal plan due to be set out on 31 October – a signal to the markets that she’s prepared to make more reversals if necessary.

Does she still believe it will put people off investing? We don’t know because she didn’t stick around at the news conference long enough to be asked.

On the sacking of Kwasi Kwarteng as chancellor, she expressed her sorrow – but again, did not answer the obvious question about how she can possibly justify his departure without her own.

British Prime Minister Liz Truss and Chancellor of the Exchequer Kwasi Kwarteng walk outside a hotel, as Britain's Conservative Party's annual conference continues, in Birmingham, Britain, October 4, 2022. REUTERS/Toby Melville
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Liz Truss and her former chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng

The chancellor, who was supposed to be one of her closest political friends, was also humiliatingly discarded – along with the government’s radical economic mission for which she had asked him to lead the charge.

The way in which the prime minister delivered this news really matters. Not just because of the lack of scrutiny that came from only taking four questions and barely engaging with them in the answers – but because her party, and indeed the markets, will have been watching to see how she handled the situation.

That news conference was not just about communicating with the public. The messages I received from Conservative MPs ahead of the news conference made clear that she needed to put in a really strong, reassuring performance.

Their fears are that she is out of her depth. They want to see that she can handle being prime minister. And the early signs are that her performance today failed on both fronts.

One MP has messaged me saying it was “shockingly bad”, even by Liz Truss’s standards.

Jeremy Hunt says that while now is not the right time to change Prime Minister, he hasn't ruled out a return to frontline politics
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Jeremy Hunt has replaced Kwasi Kwarteng as chancellor

Jeremy Hunt’s installation as the new chancellor may be intended to show the ship is being steadied – that someone with deep experience in government is at the helm of the economy and that markets do not need to fear further surprises.

But power flows from Number 10. The prime minister is the head of government. The prime minister is the person who must command the confidence of the Commons if they are to remain in post.

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This prime minister looks out of her depth. “It’s not going to last,” is how one cabinet minister put it to me.