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Why the damning first COVID inquiry report may be the most important | UK News

While this may be the first report of many to come from an inquiry expected to last at least four years – it is perhaps the most important.

Of the catalogue of failures, flaws or missed opportunities that played out during the pandemic, many stemmed from the UK’s lack of a plan and resources to deal an inevitable threat.

Perhaps inquiry chair Baroness Hallett’s most damning conclusion is that in 2019 the UK believed itself to be one of the countries best prepared for a pandemic.

Back in 2010, David Cameron’s government set up a National Security Council with responsibility for biological threats, like pandemics.

Plans were made, exercises across Whitehall were conducted, stockpiles of medicines and PPE were established.

But what COVID taught us – through 230,000 deaths, two million more living with long COVID, families destroyed and around £370bn in costs to taxpayers alone – is that plans and preparations were totally inadequate.

There’s no doubt COVID blindsided scientists. Previous coronavirus outbreaks were very different in terms of the way the disease behaved.

The focus on plans for an influenza pandemic is understandable – it was, and remains, one of the most grave pandemic threats we face.

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‘Planned for wrong pandemic’

But what this report has found is even the lessons learned from planning for the wrong pandemic could have improved the response to COVID, had they been properly acted on and shared beyond central government.

The fact, for example, that those with physical or learning disabilities, pre-existing conditions, those in ethnic minorities or living in deprived areas would be disproportionately affected.

The fact that social care, particularly care homes, would bear the brunt of a respiratory virus’s harm – and a huge surge in resources there would be needed in the event of a pandemic.

These issues, which were central to the loss of life and suffering caused between 2020 and 2022, were known. Just some of the “fatal strategic flaws” in assessing risks to society before the pandemic, according to Baroness Hallett.

Her recommendations hope to ensure we are significantly better prepared in future.

Ensuring a single cabinet-level committee responsible for civil emergencies like pandemics seems an obvious and sensible step and whatever strategy is put in place is reviewed, at least every three years along with rehearsals for a pandemic.

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But also, whatever they learn or conclude should be informed by and shared with local authorities, voluntary and community organisations to ensure Whitehall plans work in the places where the harm is greatest – as cruelly demonstrated by COVID.

What the chair of this inquiry wants to see – echoing calls from other recent inquiries like that into the infected blood scandal – is some mechanism is established that requires governments to act.

The economic and political landscape is in constant flux, but so too are the deadly pathogens that mutate and spread in an increasingly connected world.

Implementing the lessons learned from the COVID pandemic isn’t just necessary, it’s urgent.

Sunak’s Braverman dilemma: What’s more important – being right or being strong? | Politics News

Until the formal confirmation of a reshuffle, we won’t know for sure whether Rishi Sunak intends to oust his home secretary Suella Braverman on a charge, effectively, of disobedience.

We do know, however, it has been discussed. And we don’t know the resolution yet. One Whitehall source put the odds as high as 90% on Sunday afternoon that it would be a Monday reshuffle, although – despite the punchy prediction – we really don’t know.

But what we are sure about is the arguments behind, rehearsed at the top of government for and against.

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First, the case for sacking her. Sunak has spent months having to respond to Braverman’s language. Despite being the most socially conservative prime minister possibly since Margaret Thatcher, the punchier language of his home secretary has endlessly left Number 10 in a dilemma.

Whether it was the “hurricane” of migrants, the “lifestyle choice” to be homeless or the criticism of police bias, she makes it look like he is dancing to her tune. There’s a growing worry among some Tory MPs that he must endlessly respond to her, rather than looking strong and having his own view dominate.

The fact they agree on most policy issues may actually put Braverman in a weaker position. On most home affairs topics, the PM agrees on the substance, with the two apparent exceptions being the extent of legal migration the country should allow, and what should happen in the event the government loses the Supreme Court judgment on Wednesday.

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There are signs she wants immediate action to override the European Convention on Human Rights – perhaps a pre-election bill; Sunak would be slower, mindful such a move would blow up the Windsor framework he negotiated that normalised relations with the EU. Again a further reason for ditching her now: fail to act at the start of this week and on Wednesday, when the Supreme Court verdict on the Rwanda policy is released, she may resign anyway if they disagree.

The next reason for dismissal would be the jeopardy done to the working relationship with the police, who she accused of bias in The Times article.

Politics latest: Braverman hits out at ‘sick’ and ‘clearly criminal chants’

The leaked WhatsApp conversation between Tory MPs to Sky News on Friday revealed the depth of division over this specific point – some saw it tantamount to a challenge to democracy; others a necessity for ensuring sensible policing. However it is certainly unusual and unprecedented and for Sunak, far from on brand to have a minister doing such a thing.

Then there is the charge of insubordination. Few members of the public would care about the internal governance process to clear an article for publication – almost no one noticed that the home secretary published words that were not authorised by Number 10. However by sacking her for disobedience by publishing The Times article that Number 10 objected to, rather than the content itself – which the Met themselves said made policing more difficult – they can attempt to avoid accusations that Braverman was simply too tough a home secretary for this PM.

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However, there is also a credible case for keeping Braverman as home secretary. There are anecdotal signs that among the voters that matter – 2019 Tory voters who have drifted away – Braverman is a draw. There’s a view that you cannot be too tough on law and order, even if – as Tory MPs Danny Kruger and John Hayes would argue – this means criticism of the police.

Some think it mad to act before the Rwanda decision on Wednesday. If this goes the government’s way and the Supreme Court gives the green light, then Sunak and Braverman are united, and coupled with the likely success on meeting the PM’s inflation goal, the sense of trouble could disappear within days.

Talk of resignations if she goes

Then there is the question about how much Tory turmoil Sunak would have to endure. There’s talk of resignations if she goes, and setting himself for a conflict with the right is a challenging dynamic at this stage of the electoral cycle.

We have already had a flavour: some MPs inclined to back Braverman are already attacking chief whip Simon Hart suggesting he’s out of touch with the party and the party chairman Greg Hands for not understanding the realignment in politics – Cameron-style big tent politics is dead, they claim. Some MPs sympathetic to her even believe Sunak is “jealous” of her ability to communicate. Do you want all this amplified through a megaphone?

That is the dynamic Sunak must weigh up. What is more important – being right (on the issues) or being strong (with his team). The civil service is ready for a reshuffle – the packs to brief new ministers were prepared on Tuesday night and Wednesday last week, even before this latest cycle of tumult developed. The grid is free-ish on Monday and Wednesday. But the decision is Sunak’s alone. Which way will he go?